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                <text>Psychology in Russia: State of the Art</text>
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                <text>Zinchenko, Yury &amp;amp; Petrenko, Viktor. " Introduction." &lt;em&gt;Psychology in Russia: State of the Art&lt;/em&gt; 4&amp;nbsp;(2011): 6-12. Online.</text>
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                <text>&lt;p&gt;After a hiatus of several years, the Russian Psychological Society starting publishing their annual peer-reviewed academic journal, &amp;ldquo;Psychology in Russia: State of the Art&amp;rdquo; in 2008. Unlike the journals from earlier in this exhibit, this journal is highly scientific and empirical in its nature and largely focuses solely on furthering the field of psychological research in Russia as well as gaining credibility for Russian psychological research on the global stage. Thus, this publication rounds out the arc of the history of psychology in Russia &amp;ndash; specifically, &amp;ldquo;Psychology in Russia: State of the Art&amp;rdquo; represents the current state of the development of the field of psychology not only in the way that the Russian Psychological Society wants to present it to fellow scholars, but to the rest of the world. Truly, this publication is one of the best examples of Russian psychology in modern, global as well as domestic perspective. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;An excerpt from the 2011 publication&amp;rsquo;s introduction by Editors Yury Zinchenko and Viktor Petrenko perfectly encapsulates the importance of this publication as well as the current state of psychology in Russia today: &amp;ldquo;The year which passed since the last issue of this yearbook was published was marked by a considerable amount of activity by the professional community of Russian psychologists. This clearly reflects the growing role psychology as a discipline and a profession plays in the life of Russian society. Today, psychology has become very visible in Russia. It has made a miraculous transformation from a rather exotic &amp;ndash; if not marginal &amp;ndash; academic discipline to almost a mass occupation&amp;rdquo; (Zinchenko &amp;amp; Petrenko).&lt;/p&gt;</text>
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                <text>Poole, Randall. Problems of Idealism: Essays in Russian Social Philosophy. New Haven: Yale University Press, 2003. Print.</text>
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                <text>“Problems of Idealism” is by far one of the most directly socio-politically motivated texts to have been produced by or in relation to the Moscow Psychological Society.  Thus, this text is an excellent example of just how interwoven the early relationship between the field of psychology and the development of socio-political ideals truly was.  This is important to keep in mind particularly when thinking about some of the later events of the Psychological Society and how they came to pass.&#13;
&#13;
This set of 12 essays focused on cementing the on-going philosophical and more theoretical motivations behind many of the Society’s other publications during the turn of the century.  Namely, “Problems of Idealism” was a landmark socio-political publication because it made the argument for liberalism in relation to neo-liberalism (Poole).  In fact, some scholars claim that not only did “Problems of Idealism” build the philosophical foundation for the later Liberation Movement in Russia, but also helped further the “social and intellectual history of Russian liberalism” as it relates to the development of the Moscow Psychological Society (Poole). &#13;
&#13;
Note: although the main individuals behind the publication of this set of essays were “looser” members of the Psychological Society at the time, they were still members of the Society.  </text>
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                <text>Grotto, Nikolai. Questions of Philosophy and Psychology: Book 1. Runivers. Web. 1 May 2014. &lt;http://www.runivers.ru/lib/book3201/10269/&gt;.</text>
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                <text>Published between 1889 and 1918 and founded by the second Chairman of the Moscow Psychological Society and Professor and Philosophy, Nikolai Grotto, “Questions of Philosophy and Psychology” is one of the most important social and psychological publications of its time.  As the beginning of a set of items on this page that reflect upon the meaning and context of a selection of the Russian Psychological Society (or the equivalent)’s publications over time, “Questions of Philosophy and Psychology” encompasses unique issues, observations, and academic inquiries regarding a broad scope of issues.  Overall, this publication is particularly important because of what it represents in thinking about psychology and the evolution of the Russian Psychological Society in a global and historical context – namely, the fact that psychology, philosophy, and intricate socio-political development are always interconnected.&#13;
&#13;
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                <text>Young Worker, Feb 1922</text>
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                <text>https://www.marxists.org/history/usa/pubs/youngworker/v1n1-feb-1922-yw.pdf</text>
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                <text>Directed towards leftist American youth, Young Worker took a more pedagogical tone than other publications. Each issue devoted pages to instructing its readers in how to think about the issues of the day, and to projects of self-improvement. This issue contains an article titled “Think Economically!” that instructs young workers in how to conceive of their working lives in order to mobilize the American Proletariat.  Other articles provide historical perspectives on youth movements in Europe and in America. &#13;
&#13;
The piece from which these images are excerpted instructs the reader not to be too trusting of the mass media. “What is the Press?” it opens, somewhat pedantically, “This is very important and something we should all understand, for it is the Press that moulds Public Opinion.” The article goes on to explain how the capitalist press is shaped by the opinions of its owners, who form syndicates with the express purpose of deceiving the populace. It advises to beware of the vested interests of these magnates, who often have stakes in other industries. For example: if there is a strike in a mine, a newspaper owner with stake in steelworks will publish lies about the demands of the striking workers. The perspective taken here captures the opinion of many American communists that the biases in the media were the result of a strategic propagandistic mechanism. &#13;
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&#13;
https://www.marxists.org/history/usa/pubs/masses/issues/t079-v10n01-02-m77-78-nov-dec-1917-masses-end.pdf&#13;
&#13;
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                <text>The Masses was published by Max Eastman from 1911 through 1917. It was an socialist arts and literary magazine publishing nonfiction in addition to art, cartoons, fiction and poetry. Following the passage of The Espionage Act in 1917, several attempts were made to label The Masses treasonous. Finally, a number of editors were indicted for obstructing military recruitment. In two consecutive trials the jury was unable to come to a unanimous decision. John Reed, who had been in Russia when first indicted, traveled back to New York for the trial, which came to represent attempted censorship of the leftist media. The Masses was succeeded by The Liberator and later by The New Masses. Each of these later iterations was more closely associated with the American Communist Party. &#13;
&#13;
Of the images presented here, two are illustrations from The Masses. The second, a cartoon was reprinted from a French publication, Les Homme de Jour.  The third is a poem published in The Liberator by Max Eastman. &#13;
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                <text>The Revolutionary Age was published from November 1918 to August 1919. Edited by Louis Fraina, the publication was initially based in Boston but moved to New York in the summer of 1919. Shortly thereafter the newspaper was disbanded entirely, giving way to its successor The Communist. Its full title, The Revolutionary Age: A Chronicle and Interpretation of Events in Europe, reflects the European-facing focus of the communist party at the time. In 1918 clear reports of the Bolshevik Revolution were lacking and many of The Revolutionary Age’s contributors, such as John Reed, had themselves witnessed the events. And in these early years the expansionist push of the Soviet Union was felt to be fast-moving in its spread toward Western Europe. A great deal of the news presented followed the spread of socialism in countries such as Germany and France. &#13;
&#13;
This headline, “Withdraw From Russia!” is particularly interesting in contrast to the New York Times headline also presented in this exhibit. Instead of depicting American forces as peacekeepers, the intervention is painted as an act of war. Furthermore – there is a disagreement between the two publications on what the “true Russia” is.  Where The New York Times called Tsarist Russia the true Russia, the Revolutionary Age puts Russianness in the hands of the people: “The Russian people who had the revolutionary energy to overthrow Czarism… would and could overthrow the Soviet Government if they wished to.” </text>
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                <text> Revolutionary Age 23 Nov. 1918: 4. Marxist Internet Archive. Web. 04 May 2014. https://www.marxists.org/history/usa/pubs/revolutionaryage/v1n02-nov-20-1918.pdf</text>
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                <text>	The Cap of Monomakh occupies a place of legend in Russian culture. Supposedly a gift from a Byzantine emperor, or basileus, to Vladimir I, the cap signifies Russia’s shared heritage with Byzantium and with Kievan Rus’. However, the basileus who is said to have gifted the cap to Vladimir lived close to one hundred years before him (Shields Kollman, 39). The legend of the Cap of Monomakh was popularized by Macarius, a Metrpolitan of Moscow and all Russia at the time when the court was shifting away from Mongol influences are more toward Byzantium (Crummey, 137). This legend had real political consequences for the first tsars. Joasaph II, Patriarch of Constantinople, viewed the Cap of Monomakh as the legitimizing factor of Ivan IV’s status as tsar (Ostrowski, 176). Since Ivan IV, the cap has been an important symbol for Russia’s rulers and was used in coronation ceremonies until 1682 (Shields Kollman, 39). Today, the Cap of Monomakh remains to be an important cultural object, and is displayed in Moscow’s Kremlin.</text>
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                <text>Crummey, Robert O. The Formation of Muscovy 1304-1613. Print. New York: Longman, 1987. Print.&#13;
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Ostrowski, Donald. Muscovy and the Mongols. New York: Cambridge University Press, 1998. Print.&#13;
&#13;
Raffin, J.F. Bonnet de Monomaque. N. p., 2003. Wikimedia Commons. Web. 4 May 2014.&#13;
&#13;
Shields Kollmann, Nancy. “The Cap of Monomakh.” Picturing Russia: Explorations in Visual Culture. Ed. Valerie A. Kivelson and Joan Neuberger. New Haven: Yale University Press, 2008. 38–41. Print.&#13;
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                <text>Vladimir I, born in 956, was a grand prince of Kiev, and was to become Kievan Rus’ first Christian ruler (“Vladimir I”). Vladimir was great-grandson to St. Olga, a princess considered to be one of the first converts to Christianity in Russia. Before his conversion to Christianity, Vladimir was husband to several wives and engaged in human sacrifice. He was approached by the Byzantine Emperor, Basil II, for military support at a time when the Byzantine Empire was weakened by rebellion. This decision would come back to haunt Basil. Vladimir agreed to provide soldiers, on the condition that he would be awarded with marriage to Basil’s sister. Military service completed, Basil reneged on his agreement, but Vladimir would not accept the refusal. He attacked Kherson, a Byzantine stronghold in Crimea, and Basil sent his sister north (Sevcenko, 50). Vladimir was baptized prior to the wedding, and many of his nobles followed suit. He remains a popular figure in Russia today, and his feast day is July 15 (“Vladimir I”).</text>
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                <text>Britannica Online Encyclopedia. “Vladimir I (grand Prince of Kiev).” Encyclopaedia Britannica 2014. Web. 3 May 2014. Encyclopaedia Britannica Online Academic Edition.&#13;
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Sevcenko, Ihor. “The Christianization of Kievan Rus’.” The Polish Review 5.4 (1960): 29–35. Print.&#13;
&#13;
Vasnetsov, Viktor M. Крещение Князя Владимира. Фрагмент Росписи Владимирского Собора В Киеве. N. p., 1885. Wikimedia Commons. Web. 4 May 2014.&#13;
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                <text>&lt;p class="p1"&gt;&lt;span class="s1"&gt;American journalists John Reed and Louise Bryant provided vivid accounts of their first-hand experiences of the October Revolution. Reed published his experiences in the book &lt;em&gt;Ten Days that Shook the World.&lt;/em&gt; Bryant published &lt;em&gt;Six Red Months in Russia&lt;/em&gt;. Both were prolific contributors to the socialist political and literary magazines of the time including A Revolutionary Age, The Communist, The Masses, and The Liberator, among others, in addition to mainstream media outlets. Bryant, in particular was widely published by Hearst media and became known for her sympathetic coverage of the Bolsheviks. As talented writers and witnesses to the Revolution, and on the basis of their access to leading Bolshevik political figures including Lenin and Trotsky, the couple became powerful voices for the &amp;ldquo;truth of Russia&amp;rdquo; during the immediate post-Revolutionary period.&amp;nbsp;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/p&gt;&#13;
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&lt;p class="p1"&gt;&lt;span class="s1"&gt;&lt;em&gt;&amp;ldquo;On the grey horizon of human existence looms a great giant called Working Class Consciousness&amp;hellip; It all depends on us whether he will turn into a loathsome, ugly monster demanding human sacrifices or whether he shall be the saviour of mankind. We must use great foresight, patience, understanding.... We must somehow make an honest effort to understand what is happening in Russia.&amp;rdquo; - Louise Bryant, &lt;/em&gt;Six Red Months in Russia&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/p&gt;</text>
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                <text>American journalists John Reed and Louise Bryant provided vivid accounts of their first-hand experiences of the October Revolution. Reed published his experiences in the book&amp;nbsp;&lt;em&gt;Ten Days that Shook the World.&amp;nbsp;&lt;/em&gt;Braynt published &lt;em&gt;Six Red Months in Russia&lt;/em&gt;. Both were prolific contributors to the socialist political and literary magazines of the time including&amp;nbsp;&lt;em&gt;A Revolutionary Age&lt;/em&gt;,&amp;nbsp;&lt;em&gt;The Communist&lt;/em&gt;,&amp;nbsp;&lt;em&gt;The Masses&lt;/em&gt;, and&amp;nbsp;&lt;em&gt;The Liberator,&amp;nbsp;&lt;/em&gt;among others.</text>
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                <text>Construction on Moscow’s Cathedral of the Dormition began in 1326, the same year that the metropolitanate of Kiev and All Rus’ made its way to Moscow ("History of the Cathedral"). The relics of Metropolitan Peter, one of the metropolitans canonized preceding the establishment of the Patriarchate of Moscow, were housed within the cathedral. Ivan III, the first Muscovite prince to adopt the title of tsar, called for the structure to be rebuilt in 1475 (“Cathedral of the Dormition"). Beginning with the coronation of Ivan IV in 1547, the Cathedral of the Dormition was the site of all coronations of the Russian tsars. The metropolitans and patriarchs of Moscow were also installed and buried within the cathedral. After the Russian Revolution, services were stopped and the Cathedral of the Dormition served as a museum. Services were resumed in 1990, and the Russian Orthodox Church regained possession of the cathedral in 1991 ("History of the Cathedral"). Today, the Cathedral of the Dormition is a popular tourist attraction in Moscow. </text>
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                <text>Kruczynski, Daniel. Dormition Cathedral, Moscow. N. p., 2009. Wikimedia Commons. Web. 3 May 2014.&#13;
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Moscow Kremlin State Historical and Cultural Museum and Heritage Site. “History of the Cathedral.” Moscow Kremlin Museum. N. p., 2014.&#13;
&#13;
State Museums of the Moscow Kremlin. “Cathedral of the Dormition.” Moscow Kremlin. N. p., 2006. Web. 2 Apr. 2014.</text>
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                <text>This epigraph accompanied each edition of The Vanguard Studies of Soviet Russia.  Presumably composed by Davis, it is particularly curious for its poetic sincerity in contrast to the relatively dry texts on such subjects as Soviet economic organization. In its carefully structured line breaks it brackets the periods of turmoil and the struggle for freedom, narrowing towards the ultimate symbol – the common people. It functions to bind the series’ quest for facts with a cultural picture of what it means to be Russian in the Soviet era. Several words jump out as characteristic of the leftist media’s cultural portrayal of the Soviet Union. Brotherhood is of course a founding idea, but this equality is characterized by the “sincere” populous. &#13;
&#13;
In this exhibit, this epigraph is used to capture the tone of leftist writing about Russia, after a decade of vibrant communist publications. Such a dedication, and the way it characterizes the Russian populous, I will argue, are products of the cultural aesthetic presented during the years immediately following the Revolution. &#13;
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                <text>Headline from the front page of The New York Times, May 20, 1918. This headline was cited in Lippman and Merz’s A Test of the News as an example of the bluntly interventionist positions present in purportedly objective news articles.  There are a number of particularly notable elements in this headline. Note the use of “Russia” to mean Tsarist Russia, months after the Bolshevik Revolution. The Bolsheviks are unabashedly referred to as “foe.” Who’s foe? The foe of the Tsarist regime, or the foe of the United States? In this case it seems to be both.  Also of note is the unclear attribution of the opinions presented. The uppermost headline is clearly from the perspective of Washington, but the following headlines present claims of unclear origin. “View is Taken” could mean Washington’s view or the view of the article. Again, in this case it is both. &#13;
&#13;
In presenting the view of the state department as factual truth, a headline such as this could be used to validate the communist argument that the mainstream media is simply a mouthpiece for the American government. Lippman and Merz argue that these biases are not necessarily products of conscious propaganda but of the authors’ own biases, of which the assumed reference of words like “Russia” and “foe” are examples.</text>
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                <text>Proclamation by the Communist Party, USA Central Executive Council, 1919</text>
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https://www.flickr.com/photos/tamiment/887446344/in/set-72157603091842255/</text>
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                <text>Driving Ahead: American Perspectives on Soviet Workers</text>
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                <text>Published by International Workers of the World&#13;
Distributed by New York University, Labor Arts Collection:&#13;
American Social History and Social Movements&#13;
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                <text>1919, 1929</text>
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                <text>http://www.laborarts.org/collections/item.cfm?itemid=205</text>
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                <text>New York University, Labor Arts Collection</text>
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                <text>The covers of American labor magazine paint a vivid picture of an evolving the leftist perspective on the Soviet Union.  The 1919 cover of a pamphlet by Abner Woodruff depicts a single worker, symbolizing the mass of the proletariat, looming over a city. He is in the peak of fitness: young, muscular and handsome. In 1919, spread of communism was in its early stages, full of hope and vitality. In the 1929 cover of Labor Defender, a headline (slightly cut off in this image) reads "The Soviet Union drives ahead!" Again, the figure of the worker looms above us. But she is driving, rather than climbing. The symbol of the "advancing worker" remained powerful but evolved over the course of  a decade. The contrast between the climb depicted in 1919 and the sedentary posture of 1929 is particularly striking. </text>
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                <text>http://www.laborarts.org/collections/item.cfm?itemid=205&#13;
http://www.laborarts.org/collections/item.cfm?itemid=174</text>
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