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                <text>Grotto, Nikolai. Questions of Philosophy and Psychology: Book 1. Runivers. Web. 1 May 2014. &lt;http://www.runivers.ru/lib/book3201/10269/&gt;.</text>
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                <text>Published between 1889 and 1918 and founded by the second Chairman of the Moscow Psychological Society and Professor and Philosophy, Nikolai Grotto, “Questions of Philosophy and Psychology” is one of the most important social and psychological publications of its time.  As the beginning of a set of items on this page that reflect upon the meaning and context of a selection of the Russian Psychological Society (or the equivalent)’s publications over time, “Questions of Philosophy and Psychology” encompasses unique issues, observations, and academic inquiries regarding a broad scope of issues.  Overall, this publication is particularly important because of what it represents in thinking about psychology and the evolution of the Russian Psychological Society in a global and historical context – namely, the fact that psychology, philosophy, and intricate socio-political development are always interconnected.&#13;
&#13;
Because the research and journalistic endeavors that fall under the umbrella of this publication’s “scope” is far from limited to just to the field of psychological research, it is excellent for tracing how intricately linked the birth of the science of psychology and the Moscow Psychological Society was to other fields, like philosophy, journalism, and politics.  Although specific socio-political issues were not addressed head-on in this publication, this journal encompasses many types of articles focused on philosophy and supposed spiritual development (Zakutnyaya).  In fact, even Leo Tolstoy was known to have several items published in this journal!</text>
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                <text>Poole, Randall. Problems of Idealism: Essays in Russian Social Philosophy. New Haven: Yale University Press, 2003. Print.</text>
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                <text>“Problems of Idealism” is by far one of the most directly socio-politically motivated texts to have been produced by or in relation to the Moscow Psychological Society.  Thus, this text is an excellent example of just how interwoven the early relationship between the field of psychology and the development of socio-political ideals truly was.  This is important to keep in mind particularly when thinking about some of the later events of the Psychological Society and how they came to pass.&#13;
&#13;
This set of 12 essays focused on cementing the on-going philosophical and more theoretical motivations behind many of the Society’s other publications during the turn of the century.  Namely, “Problems of Idealism” was a landmark socio-political publication because it made the argument for liberalism in relation to neo-liberalism (Poole).  In fact, some scholars claim that not only did “Problems of Idealism” build the philosophical foundation for the later Liberation Movement in Russia, but also helped further the “social and intellectual history of Russian liberalism” as it relates to the development of the Moscow Psychological Society (Poole). &#13;
&#13;
Note: although the main individuals behind the publication of this set of essays were “looser” members of the Psychological Society at the time, they were still members of the Society.  </text>
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                  <text>Here are the object biographies generated for the SW52 Unit 4 Assignment.</text>
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                <text>http://www.esquire.com/the-side/opinion/7totalitarianwonders-4&#13;
&#13;
Esquire Magazine</text>
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                <text>Sergei Karpukhin/AP Photo&#13;
&#13;
©2014 Hearst Communications, Inc. All Rights Reserved.</text>
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                <text>The preserved body of Vladimir Lenin.</text>
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                <text>After the death of Lenin in 1924, his body was embalmed by the Soviet government so that it could be displayed in a mausoleum. Lenin’s corpse became the focus point of a Leninist cult of personality throughout the Soviet period, and this precedent inspired both Stalin and foreign communist leaders to will a similar practice upon their own deaths. After the collapse of the Soviet Union, the question of whether to bury Lenin remains a hotly-debate topic that reflects Russia’s current struggles with its Soviet memories.</text>
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                <text>&lt;p&gt;&amp;nbsp; &amp;nbsp; &amp;nbsp; &amp;nbsp; &amp;nbsp; &amp;nbsp; During the mid-1850s, the events of the Crimean War expanded what had been minimal interaction between the United States and Russia. Although the United States remained neutral during the war, the question of shipping neutrality first raised the notion that the United States and Russia could benefit from working in concert to resist British influence. The United States, throughout the war, made known to Britain and France its principle that &amp;ldquo;free ships make free goods&amp;rdquo; and that American trade, as a non-belligerent power, would not halt in Russia.&lt;a title="" href="file:///C:/Users/Samuel/Dropbox/Harvard/SW%2052/Final%20Project/Crimean%20War%20Item.docx#_ftn1"&gt;[1]&lt;/a&gt; Fortunately, the Crimean War passed without this becoming an active point of contention between Britain and the United States. The war still served as a hint that even before British and French involvement in the Civil War, the United States might be served by finding a counterbalance to those two countries in Russia.&lt;/p&gt;&#13;
&lt;p&gt;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp; The sudden flurry of diplomatic activity between the United States and Russia likewise helped to give American and Russian diplomats familiarity with each other. The Russian minister to the United States at this time, Eduard de Stoeckl, would later serve throughout the Civil War period.&lt;a title="" href="file:///C:/Users/Samuel/Dropbox/Harvard/SW%2052/Final%20Project/Crimean%20War%20Item.docx#_ftn2"&gt;[2]&lt;/a&gt; Stoeckl would prove to be a key intermediary between the two countries, and he did not hesitate to make public the diplomatic notes of friendship between his two countries.&lt;a title="" href="file:///C:/Users/Samuel/Dropbox/Harvard/SW%2052/Final%20Project/Crimean%20War%20Item.docx#_ftn3"&gt;[3]&lt;/a&gt; Given the positive state of relations between the two countries as a result of the Crimean War, in 1861 the United States and Russia were well-primed for further conciliation against potential British and French threats.&lt;/p&gt;&#13;
&lt;div&gt;&lt;br clear="all" /&gt;&lt;hr align="left" size="1" width="33%" /&gt;&#13;
&lt;div&gt;&#13;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;a title="" href="file:///C:/Users/Samuel/Dropbox/Harvard/SW%2052/Final%20Project/Crimean%20War%20Item.docx#_ftnref1"&gt;[1]&lt;/a&gt; Benjamin Platt Thomas, &lt;em&gt;Russo-American Relations, 1815-1867&lt;/em&gt;. (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins Press, 1930), 112.&lt;/p&gt;&#13;
&lt;/div&gt;&#13;
&lt;div&gt;&#13;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;a title="" href="file:///C:/Users/Samuel/Dropbox/Harvard/SW%2052/Final%20Project/Crimean%20War%20Item.docx#_ftnref2"&gt;[2]&lt;/a&gt; Frank A. Golder, &amp;ldquo;Russo-American Relations during the Crimean War.&amp;rdquo; &lt;em&gt;The American Historical Review&lt;/em&gt;, 31 no. 3 (April 1926): 463.&lt;/p&gt;&#13;
&lt;/div&gt;&#13;
&lt;div&gt;&#13;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;a title="" href="file:///C:/Users/Samuel/Dropbox/Harvard/SW%2052/Final%20Project/Crimean%20War%20Item.docx#_ftnref3"&gt;[3]&lt;/a&gt; Albert A. Woldman. &lt;em&gt;Lincoln and the Russians. &lt;/em&gt;(Cleveland: World Publishing Company, 1952), 130.&lt;/p&gt;&#13;
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                <text>&lt;p&gt;Frank A. Golder, &amp;ldquo;Russo-American Relations during the Crimean War.&amp;rdquo;&amp;nbsp;&lt;em&gt;The American Historical Review&lt;/em&gt;, 31 no. 3 (April 1926): 462-476.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Benjamin Platt Thomas, &lt;em&gt;Russo-American Relations, 1815-1867&lt;/em&gt;. Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins Press, 1930.&lt;/p&gt;&#13;
&lt;p&gt;Albert A. Woldman. &lt;em&gt;Lincoln and the Russians. &lt;/em&gt;Cleveland: World Publishing Company, 1952.&lt;/p&gt;</text>
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                <text>Alexander II, Tsar and Emancipator</text>
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                <text>&lt;p&gt;&amp;nbsp; &amp;nbsp; &amp;nbsp; &amp;nbsp; &amp;nbsp; &amp;nbsp; Alexander II, as the Tsar-Emancipator, provided ideological abolitionists with a new face of Russia that could dispel the previous notions of Russian autocracy and despotism. As noted in the exhibit, Alexander II signed a declaration of emancipation on March 3, 1861. The emancipation of the serfs played a great role in boosting esteem of him among abolitionist Americans as a fellow reformer against forces supporting the regressive Confederacy. Thus, Edward Everett, a Massachusetts politician (and president of Harvard University),&lt;a title="" href="file:///C:/Users/Samuel/Dropbox/Harvard/SW%2052/Final%20Project/Alexander%20II%20Item.docx#_ftn1"&gt;[1]&lt;/a&gt; wrote in glowing terms of the &amp;ldquo;enlightened Prince&amp;rdquo; who gave his support to the Union against a Confederacy openly avowing its foundation on &amp;ldquo;the cornerstone of Slavery.&amp;rdquo;&lt;a title="" href="file:///C:/Users/Samuel/Dropbox/Harvard/SW%2052/Final%20Project/Alexander%20II%20Item.docx#_ftn2"&gt;[2]&lt;/a&gt; Cassius Clay would echo such praise after his own personal encounters with the Tsar. He told one American audience in 1862 that &amp;ldquo;not only Alexander, but &lt;em&gt;his whole family are with you&lt;/em&gt;, men, women, and children.&amp;rdquo;&lt;a title="" href="file:///C:/Users/Samuel/Dropbox/Harvard/SW%2052/Final%20Project/Alexander%20II%20Item.docx#_ftn3"&gt;[3]&lt;/a&gt; Even if much of the Russo-American alignment had been built on resisting Britain and France, American abolitionists saw Alexander II as a personal friend and one of the few world leaders advocating a process of reform similar to that of American emancipation.&lt;/p&gt;&#13;
&lt;p&gt;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp;&lt;/p&gt;&#13;
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&lt;div&gt;&#13;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;a title="" href="file:///C:/Users/Samuel/Dropbox/Harvard/SW%2052/Final%20Project/Alexander%20II%20Item.docx#_ftnref1"&gt;[1]&lt;/a&gt; &amp;ldquo;Everett, Edward.&amp;rdquo; &lt;em&gt;Biographical Directory of the United States Congress&lt;/em&gt;. &amp;nbsp;http://bioguide.congress.gov/scripts/biodisplay.pl?index=E000264&lt;/p&gt;&#13;
&lt;/div&gt;&#13;
&lt;div&gt;&#13;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;a title="" href="file:///C:/Users/Samuel/Dropbox/Harvard/SW%2052/Final%20Project/Alexander%20II%20Item.docx#_ftnref2"&gt;[2]&lt;/a&gt; Edward Everett. &amp;ldquo;The Sympathy of Russia with the United States, Views of Edward Everett,&amp;rdquo; &lt;em&gt;New York Herald, &lt;/em&gt;&amp;nbsp;reprinted in &lt;em&gt;New York Times, &lt;/em&gt;October 15, 1861.&lt;/p&gt;&#13;
&lt;/div&gt;&#13;
&lt;div&gt;&#13;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;a title="" href="file:///C:/Users/Samuel/Dropbox/Harvard/SW%2052/Final%20Project/Alexander%20II%20Item.docx#_ftnref3"&gt;[3]&lt;/a&gt; Benjamin Platt Thomas, &lt;em&gt;Russo-American Relations, 1815-1867&lt;/em&gt;. (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins Press, 1930)&lt;em&gt;, &lt;/em&gt;129.&lt;/p&gt;&#13;
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                <text>&lt;div&gt;&#13;
&lt;p&gt;Edward Everett. &amp;ldquo;The Sympathy of Russia with the United States, Views of Edward Everett,&amp;rdquo;&amp;nbsp;&lt;em&gt;New York Herald,&amp;nbsp;&lt;/em&gt;&amp;nbsp;reprinted in&amp;nbsp;&lt;em&gt;New York Times,&amp;nbsp;&lt;/em&gt;October 15, 1861.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;"Everett, Edward.&amp;rdquo;&amp;nbsp;&lt;em&gt;Biographical Directory of the United States Congress&lt;/em&gt;. &amp;nbsp;http://bioguide.congress.gov/scripts/biodisplay.pl?index=E000264&lt;/p&gt;&#13;
&lt;/div&gt;&#13;
&lt;div&gt;&#13;
&lt;p&gt;Benjamin Platt Thomas,&amp;nbsp;&lt;em&gt;Russo-American Relations, 1815-1867&lt;/em&gt;. Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins Press, 1930.&lt;/p&gt;&#13;
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                <text>&lt;p&gt;&amp;nbsp; &amp;nbsp; &amp;nbsp; &amp;nbsp; &amp;nbsp; &amp;nbsp; Although the &amp;ldquo;Trent Affair&amp;rdquo; did not directly involve Russia, the affair demonstrated the need for the United States to bolster its diplomatic presence against British and French interests. In November 1861, the British government reacted angrily to news that an American ship had intercepted the British ship &lt;em&gt;Trent&lt;/em&gt;. An American warship stopped the &lt;em&gt;Trent,&lt;/em&gt;&amp;nbsp;in international waters, in order to intercept &amp;ldquo;John Slidell and James Mason, Confederate emissaries to Paris and London, respectively.&amp;rdquo;&lt;a title="" href="file:///C:/Users/Samuel/Dropbox/Harvard/SW%2052/Final%20Project/Trent%20Affair%20Item.docx#_ftn1"&gt;[1]&lt;/a&gt; Britain demanded recompense for what it considered an illegal seizure of a British ship, and ultimately the United States released Slidell and Mason on the basis that &amp;ldquo;one war at a time&amp;rdquo; was a prudent measure.&lt;a title="" href="file:///C:/Users/Samuel/Dropbox/Harvard/SW%2052/Final%20Project/Trent%20Affair%20Item.docx#_ftn2"&gt;[2]&lt;/a&gt; Even with the peaceful resolution, the incident highlighted the extent of Confederate efforts to sway European powers and the less-than-favorable position that the United States held in British opinion.&lt;/p&gt;&#13;
&lt;p&gt;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp; Since the Russian government had already extended its first words of support by 1861, Russia was certainly pleased to see the United States avoid open war with Britain. The Russian minister to the United States passed along a note of congratulations and reassurance &amp;ldquo;of the cordial sympathy which united the two countries.&amp;rdquo;&lt;a title="" href="file:///C:/Users/Samuel/Dropbox/Harvard/SW%2052/Final%20Project/Trent%20Affair%20Item.docx#_ftn3"&gt;[3]&lt;/a&gt; To emphasize this point on the world stage, the Russian government likewise sought permission from Cassius Clay to &amp;ldquo;have [the congratulations] printed in the Journal de St Petersbourg in order that it might exercise a favorable influence on European opinion.&amp;rdquo;&lt;a title="" href="file:///C:/Users/Samuel/Dropbox/Harvard/SW%2052/Final%20Project/Trent%20Affair%20Item.docx#_ftn4"&gt;[4]&lt;/a&gt; In going to such public lengths to emphasize Russo-American friendship, the Russian government gave its reassurance that it supported the United States against British and French enmity.&lt;/p&gt;&#13;
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&lt;div&gt;&#13;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;a title="" href="file:///C:/Users/Samuel/Dropbox/Harvard/SW%2052/Final%20Project/Trent%20Affair%20Item.docx#_ftnref1"&gt;[1]&lt;/a&gt; Albert A. Woldman. &lt;em&gt;Lincoln and the Russians. &lt;/em&gt;(Cleveland: World Publishing Company, 1952), 92.&lt;/p&gt;&#13;
&lt;/div&gt;&#13;
&lt;div&gt;&#13;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;a title="" href="file:///C:/Users/Samuel/Dropbox/Harvard/SW%2052/Final%20Project/Trent%20Affair%20Item.docx#_ftnref2"&gt;[2]&lt;/a&gt; &lt;em&gt;Ibid&lt;/em&gt;, 93.&lt;/p&gt;&#13;
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&lt;div&gt;&#13;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;a title="" href="file:///C:/Users/Samuel/Dropbox/Harvard/SW%2052/Final%20Project/Trent%20Affair%20Item.docx#_ftnref3"&gt;[3]&lt;/a&gt; Benjamin Platt Thomas, &lt;em&gt;Russo-American Relations, 1815-1867&lt;/em&gt;. (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins Press, 1930), 126.&lt;/p&gt;&#13;
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&lt;div&gt;&#13;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;a title="" href="file:///C:/Users/Samuel/Dropbox/Harvard/SW%2052/Final%20Project/Trent%20Affair%20Item.docx#_ftnref4"&gt;[4]&lt;/a&gt; &lt;em&gt;Ibid&lt;/em&gt;.&lt;/p&gt;&#13;
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                <text>&lt;p&gt;&amp;nbsp; &amp;nbsp; &amp;nbsp; &amp;nbsp; &amp;nbsp; &amp;nbsp; Cassius Marcellus Clay served as minister to Russia for two terms: first from July 14, 1861 to June 25, 1862, and again from May 7, 1863 to October 1, 1869. His tenure as minister was marked by a successful alignment of Russia with American interests during the Civil War. Clay himself seemed an unusual choice for the ministry to Russia, and it seems that his appointment to a diplomatic position was a political reward for his loyal campaigning for Lincoln.&lt;a title="" href="file:///C:/Users/Samuel/Dropbox/Harvard/SW%2052/Final%20Project/Cassius%20Clay%20Item.docx#_ftn1"&gt;[1]&lt;/a&gt; Clay himself was unique as a Kentucky Republican and abolitionist, and he was also known as a &amp;ldquo;firebrand&amp;rdquo; who carried &amp;ldquo;a bowie knife and two pistols&amp;rdquo; for his own defense.&lt;a title="" href="file:///C:/Users/Samuel/Dropbox/Harvard/SW%2052/Final%20Project/Cassius%20Clay%20Item.docx#_ftn2"&gt;[2]&lt;/a&gt;&lt;/p&gt;&#13;
&lt;p&gt;&amp;nbsp; &amp;nbsp; &amp;nbsp; &amp;nbsp; &amp;nbsp; &amp;nbsp; However, these attributes seem not to have impaired his mission or the general state of Russo-American relations. Clay in fact was one of the most ideological supporters of Russia, and he never hesitated to tell both Americans and Russians that the two nations were united by more than diplomatic necessity. Upon the return of the Russian fleet from the United States, Clay explained the warm welcome given to them as American recognition of the &amp;ldquo;common cause in the advancement of humanity.&amp;rdquo;&lt;a title="" href="file:///C:/Users/Samuel/Dropbox/Harvard/SW%2052/Final%20Project/Cassius%20Clay%20Item.docx#_ftn3"&gt;[3]&lt;/a&gt; Although the natural alignment of Russia and the United States against Britain and France meant that good relations were bound to occur, Clay&amp;rsquo;s efforts went beyond not doing anything to impair that friendship. The gun-toting Kentuckian&amp;rsquo;s high praise of Russia provided the most forceful defense of Russo-American friendship in the Lincoln administration.&lt;/p&gt;&#13;
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&lt;div&gt;&#13;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;a title="" href="file:///C:/Users/Samuel/Dropbox/Harvard/SW%2052/Final%20Project/Cassius%20Clay%20Item.docx#_ftnref1"&gt;[1]&lt;/a&gt; John Kuhn Bliemaier, &amp;ldquo;Cassius Marcellus Clay in St. Petersburg.&amp;rdquo; &lt;em&gt;The Register of the Kentucky Historical Society&lt;/em&gt; 73, no. 3 (July, 1975): 264.&lt;/p&gt;&#13;
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&lt;div&gt;&#13;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;a title="" href="file:///C:/Users/Samuel/Dropbox/Harvard/SW%2052/Final%20Project/Cassius%20Clay%20Item.docx#_ftnref2"&gt;[2]&lt;/a&gt; Benjamin Platt Thomas, &lt;em&gt;Russo-American Relations, 1815-1867&lt;/em&gt;. (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins Press, 1930)&lt;em&gt;, &lt;/em&gt;104.&lt;/p&gt;&#13;
&lt;/div&gt;&#13;
&lt;div&gt;&#13;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;a title="" href="file:///C:/Users/Samuel/Dropbox/Harvard/SW%2052/Final%20Project/Cassius%20Clay%20Item.docx#_ftnref3"&gt;[3]&lt;/a&gt; Alexander Tarsaidze, &lt;em&gt;Czars and Presidents. &lt;/em&gt;(New York: Mcdowell Obolensky, 1958), 222.&lt;/p&gt;&#13;
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                <text>&lt;div&gt;&#13;
&lt;p&gt;John Kuhn Bliemaier, &amp;ldquo;Cassius Marcellus Clay in St. Petersburg.&amp;rdquo;&amp;nbsp;&lt;em&gt;The Register of the Kentucky Historical Society&lt;/em&gt;&amp;nbsp;73, no. 3 (July, 1975): 263-287.&lt;/p&gt;&#13;
&lt;/div&gt;&#13;
&lt;div&gt;&#13;
&lt;p&gt;Alexander Tarsaidze,&amp;nbsp;&lt;em&gt;Czars and Presidents.&amp;nbsp;&lt;/em&gt;New York: Mcdowell Obolensky, 1958.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Benjamin Platt Thomas,&amp;nbsp;&lt;em&gt;Russo-American Relations, 1815-1867&lt;/em&gt;. Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins Press, 1930.&lt;/p&gt;&#13;
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                <text>1861-1862, 1863-1869</text>
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                <text>"Reactionary, Catholic and Despotic Poland."</text>
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                <text>&lt;p&gt;&amp;nbsp; &amp;nbsp; &amp;nbsp; &amp;nbsp; &amp;nbsp; &amp;nbsp; The Polish Insurrection demonstrates the extent to which American diplomacy prioritized a strong relationship with Russia during the Civil War. In January 1863, protests against conscription in Poland exploded into a general rebellion against Russian rule.&lt;a title="" href="file:///C:/Users/Samuel/Dropbox/Harvard/SW%2052/Final%20Project/Polish%20Item.docx#_ftn1"&gt;[1]&lt;/a&gt; The official diplomatic response of the United States reveals both the geopolitical conception of Russia as an unofficial ally and the perception of Alexander II as a respectable and just ruler.&lt;/p&gt;&#13;
&lt;p&gt;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp; Since the &lt;em&gt;realpolitik&lt;/em&gt; of European relations in the mid-19&lt;sup&gt;th&lt;/sup&gt; century had already shaped the progression of Russo-American relations, unsurprisingly the relationships between Britain, France, the United States, and Russia would shape American policy regarding Poland. In May, Britain and France requested that the United States join an official statement of disapproval.&lt;a title="" href="file:///C:/Users/Samuel/Dropbox/Harvard/SW%2052/Final%20Project/Polish%20Item.docx#_ftn2"&gt;[2]&lt;/a&gt; As discussed, Britain and France had become the unofficial counterbalance to the &lt;em&gt;de facto&lt;/em&gt; alignment of the United States and Russia, and therefore the American refusal to intervene reinforced this friendship.&lt;/p&gt;&#13;
&lt;p&gt;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp; The language of American diplomats at that time, however, reveals that American unity was not simply a practical response to geopolitics. In his official response to the French, Secretary of State William Seward referenced the &amp;ldquo;enlightened and humane character&amp;rdquo; of Alexander II, so described for his emancipation of the serfs and &amp;ldquo;effective administration of justice.&amp;rdquo;&lt;a title="" href="file:///C:/Users/Samuel/Dropbox/Harvard/SW%2052/Final%20Project/Polish%20Item.docx#_ftn3"&gt;[3]&lt;/a&gt; Such high language demonstrated the respect for Russia that the American government openly espoused, especially in light of its own recent emancipation. Somewhat less appealing was the private comment of Cassius Clay, minister to Russia. In a reply to Seward in June 1863, Clay contrasted &amp;ldquo;&lt;em&gt;liberal &lt;/em&gt;Russia&amp;rdquo; with &amp;ldquo;&lt;em&gt;reactionary&lt;/em&gt;, Catholic and despotic Poland.&amp;rdquo;&lt;a title="" href="file:///C:/Users/Samuel/Dropbox/Harvard/SW%2052/Final%20Project/Polish%20Item.docx#_ftn4"&gt;[4]&lt;/a&gt; At least privately, enthusiasm for Russia both as an ally and a fellow emancipator could lead American diplomats to criticize the Polish insurrection as the enemy of progressive Russian rule.&lt;/p&gt;&#13;
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&lt;div&gt;&#13;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;a title="" href="file:///C:/Users/Samuel/Dropbox/Harvard/SW%2052/Final%20Project/Polish%20Item.docx#_ftnref1"&gt;[1]&lt;/a&gt; Joseph Wieczerzak, &amp;ldquo;American Reactions to the Polish Insurrection.&amp;rdquo; &lt;em&gt;Polish-American Studies&lt;/em&gt; 22, no. 2. (Jul.-Dec., 1965): 92.&lt;/p&gt;&#13;
&lt;/div&gt;&#13;
&lt;div&gt;&#13;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;a title="" href="file:///C:/Users/Samuel/Dropbox/Harvard/SW%2052/Final%20Project/Polish%20Item.docx#_ftnref2"&gt;[2]&lt;/a&gt; Benjamin Platt Thomas, &lt;em&gt;Russo-American Relations, 1815-1867&lt;/em&gt;. (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins Press, 1930)&lt;em&gt;, &lt;/em&gt;136-137.&lt;/p&gt;&#13;
&lt;/div&gt;&#13;
&lt;div&gt;&#13;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;a title="" href="file:///C:/Users/Samuel/Dropbox/Harvard/SW%2052/Final%20Project/Polish%20Item.docx#_ftnref3"&gt;[3]&lt;/a&gt; &lt;em&gt;Papers Relating to Foreign Affairs&lt;/em&gt;. (Washington: Government Printing Office, 1864), 667.&lt;/p&gt;&#13;
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&lt;div&gt;&#13;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;a title="" href="file:///C:/Users/Samuel/Dropbox/Harvard/SW%2052/Final%20Project/Polish%20Item.docx#_ftnref4"&gt;[4]&lt;/a&gt; &amp;ldquo;American Reactions to the Polish Insurrection,&amp;rdquo; 94.&lt;/p&gt;&#13;
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                <text>&lt;div&gt;&#13;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;em&gt;Papers Relating to Foreign Affairs&lt;/em&gt;. Washington: Government Printing Office, 1864.&lt;/p&gt;&#13;
&lt;/div&gt;&#13;
&lt;div&gt;&#13;
&lt;p&gt;Benjamin Platt Thomas,&amp;nbsp;&lt;em&gt;Russo-American Relations, 1815-1867&lt;/em&gt;. Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins Press, 1930.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Joseph Wieczerzak, &amp;ldquo;American Reactions to the Polish Insurrection.&amp;rdquo;&amp;nbsp;&lt;em&gt;Polish-American Studies&lt;/em&gt;&amp;nbsp;22, no. 2. (Jul.-Dec., 1965): 90-98.&lt;/p&gt;&#13;
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                <text>The Russian Fleet Comes to America</text>
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                <text>&lt;p&gt;&amp;nbsp; &amp;nbsp; &amp;nbsp; &amp;nbsp; &amp;nbsp; &amp;nbsp; On September 24, 1863, Russian ships suddenly appeared off the coast of New York City. Although the appearance of a foreign navy during the Civil War might seem to have been menacing, both the American government and private society welcomed the presence of the Russian fleet.&lt;/p&gt;&#13;
&lt;p&gt;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp; Both the diplomatic reception to an unexpected naval visit and the lavish private receptions in New York City demonstrate the extent to which Russia had been established as a friendly power. One reception for the Russian officers served &amp;ldquo;twelve thousand oysters, twelve hundred game birds, and three thousand five hundred bottles of wine.&amp;rdquo;&lt;a title="" href="file:///C:/Users/Samuel/Dropbox/Harvard/SW%2052/Final%20Project/Russian%20Fleet%20Item.docx#_ftn1"&gt;[1]&lt;/a&gt; The official receptions were no less dramatic, and Secretary of the Navy Gideon Welles gave the Russians open access to visit the Brooklyn navy yard.&lt;a title="" href="file:///C:/Users/Samuel/Dropbox/Harvard/SW%2052/Final%20Project/Russian%20Fleet%20Item.docx#_ftn2"&gt;[2]&lt;/a&gt;&amp;nbsp; In December, Secretary Seward received the Russians in Washington, D.C., and Mary Todd Lincoln herself gave &amp;ldquo;a toast to the health of the Czar.&amp;rdquo;&lt;a title="" href="file:///C:/Users/Samuel/Dropbox/Harvard/SW%2052/Final%20Project/Russian%20Fleet%20Item.docx#_ftn3"&gt;[3]&lt;/a&gt; The warm reception reiterated the level of friendship between the two countries, such that a Russian fleet could suddenly arrive on the East Coast and be feted.&lt;/p&gt;&#13;
&lt;p&gt;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp; Russia&amp;rsquo;s dispatch of ships to New York, and later San Francisco, came not necessarily as a show of support for the Union, but rather out of fear of British and French intervention in Poland. Since the United States had declined interest in intervention on behalf of the Polish rebels, the Russian fleet seemed much safer near American waters than directly facing British and French navies.&lt;a title="" href="file:///C:/Users/Samuel/Dropbox/Harvard/SW%2052/Final%20Project/Russian%20Fleet%20Item.docx#_ftn4"&gt;[4]&lt;/a&gt;&amp;nbsp; For the Russians, fostering a sense of good will was important, but secondary to their goal of keeping their navy intact in case of a war with Britain and France.&lt;/p&gt;&#13;
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&lt;div&gt;&#13;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;a title="" href="file:///C:/Users/Samuel/Dropbox/Harvard/SW%2052/Final%20Project/Russian%20Fleet%20Item.docx#_ftnref1"&gt;[1]&lt;/a&gt; Albert A. Woldman. &lt;em&gt;Lincoln and the Russians. &lt;/em&gt;(Cleveland: World Publishing Company, 1952), 146.&lt;/p&gt;&#13;
&lt;/div&gt;&#13;
&lt;div&gt;&#13;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;a title="" href="file:///C:/Users/Samuel/Dropbox/Harvard/SW%2052/Final%20Project/Russian%20Fleet%20Item.docx#_ftnref2"&gt;[2]&lt;/a&gt; &lt;em&gt;Ibid&lt;/em&gt;, 141.&lt;/p&gt;&#13;
&lt;/div&gt;&#13;
&lt;div&gt;&#13;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;a title="" href="file:///C:/Users/Samuel/Dropbox/Harvard/SW%2052/Final%20Project/Russian%20Fleet%20Item.docx#_ftnref3"&gt;[3]&lt;/a&gt; &lt;em&gt;Ibid&lt;/em&gt;, 147.&lt;/p&gt;&#13;
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&lt;div&gt;&#13;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;a title="" href="file:///C:/Users/Samuel/Dropbox/Harvard/SW%2052/Final%20Project/Russian%20Fleet%20Item.docx#_ftnref4"&gt;[4]&lt;/a&gt; Benjamin F. Gilbert, &amp;ldquo;Welcome to the Czar&amp;rsquo;s Fleet.&amp;rdquo; &lt;em&gt;California Historical Society Quarterly&lt;/em&gt; 26, no. 1 (Mar. 1947): 13.&lt;/p&gt;&#13;
&lt;/div&gt;&#13;
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&lt;p&gt;Benjamin F. Gilbert, &amp;ldquo;Welcome to the Czar&amp;rsquo;s Fleet.&amp;rdquo;&amp;nbsp;&lt;em&gt;California Historical Society Quarterly&lt;/em&gt;&amp;nbsp;26, no. 1 (Mar. 1947): 13-19&lt;/p&gt;&#13;
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&lt;div&gt;&#13;
&lt;p&gt;Albert A. Woldman.&amp;nbsp;&lt;em&gt;Lincoln and the Russians.&amp;nbsp;&lt;/em&gt;Cleveland: World Publishing Company, 1952.&lt;/p&gt;&#13;
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                <text>&lt;p&gt;Although the American purchase of Alaska occurred after the Civil War, the treaty came about as a result of the same diplomatic circumstances that brought about Russo-American cooperation during the Civil War. The antagonism between Russia and Britain had played a significant role in fostering Russia&amp;rsquo;s open diplomatic support for the Union, and fears of war over Poland had driven Russia to send its fleet on their 1863 visit to the United States.&lt;/p&gt;&#13;
&lt;p&gt;In fact, Russia had been hoping to dispose of Alaska in some way even before the Civil War, out of fear that the United Kingdom could easily seize it.&lt;a title="" href="file:///C:/Users/Samuel/Dropbox/Harvard/SW%2052/Final%20Project/Alaska%20Item.docx#_ftn1"&gt;[1]&lt;/a&gt; Selling the territory to the United States, according to both Clay and the Russian minister to the United States, would in fact play a dual role in countering British power on the Pacific. In addition to keeping Alaska out of the hands of the British, the sale of Alaska may have been driven by the hope of &amp;ldquo;expulsion of England from the whole Pacific coast of North America.&amp;rdquo;&lt;a title="" href="file:///C:/Users/Samuel/Dropbox/Harvard/SW%2052/Final%20Project/Alaska%20Item.docx#_ftn2"&gt;[2]&lt;/a&gt; As with Russian alignment against Britain and France during the Civil War, the exigencies of geopolitics played a significant role in fostering this agreement over Alaska.&lt;/p&gt;&#13;
&lt;p&gt;Famously, the purchase of Alaska by the United States was greeted with much derision at the time. Despite some public outcry over purchasing the &amp;ldquo;Russian Fairyland,&amp;rdquo;&lt;a title="" href="file:///C:/Users/Samuel/Dropbox/Harvard/SW%2052/Final%20Project/Alaska%20Item.docx#_ftn3"&gt;[3]&lt;/a&gt; the annexation of Alaska was indeed secured in 1867 for the sum of $7.2 million.&lt;a title="" href="file:///C:/Users/Samuel/Dropbox/Harvard/SW%2052/Final%20Project/Alaska%20Item.docx#_ftn4"&gt;[4]&lt;/a&gt;&lt;/p&gt;&#13;
&lt;div&gt;&lt;br clear="all" /&gt;&lt;hr align="left" size="1" width="33%" /&gt;&#13;
&lt;div&gt;&#13;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;a title="" href="file:///C:/Users/Samuel/Dropbox/Harvard/SW%2052/Final%20Project/Alaska%20Item.docx#_ftnref1"&gt;[1]&lt;/a&gt; Benjamin Platt Thomas, &lt;em&gt;Russo-American Relations, 1815-1867&lt;/em&gt;. (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins Press, 1930), 145.&lt;/p&gt;&#13;
&lt;/div&gt;&#13;
&lt;div&gt;&#13;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;a title="" href="file:///C:/Users/Samuel/Dropbox/Harvard/SW%2052/Final%20Project/Alaska%20Item.docx#_ftnref2"&gt;[2]&lt;/a&gt; &lt;em&gt;Ibid&lt;/em&gt;, 165n66.&lt;/p&gt;&#13;
&lt;/div&gt;&#13;
&lt;div&gt;&#13;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;a title="" href="file:///C:/Users/Samuel/Dropbox/Harvard/SW%2052/Final%20Project/Alaska%20Item.docx#_ftnref3"&gt;[3]&lt;/a&gt; Thomas A. Bailey. &lt;em&gt;America Faces Russia &lt;/em&gt;(Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1950)&lt;em&gt;, &lt;/em&gt;103.&lt;/p&gt;&#13;
&lt;/div&gt;&#13;
&lt;div&gt;&#13;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;a title="" href="file:///C:/Users/Samuel/Dropbox/Harvard/SW%2052/Final%20Project/Alaska%20Item.docx#_ftnref4"&gt;[4]&lt;/a&gt; &lt;em&gt;Ibid&amp;cedil; &lt;/em&gt;102.&lt;/p&gt;&#13;
&lt;/div&gt;&#13;
&lt;/div&gt;</text>
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                <text>&lt;div&gt;&#13;
&lt;p&gt;Thomas A. Bailey.&amp;nbsp;&lt;em&gt;America Faces Russia.&amp;nbsp;&lt;/em&gt;Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1950.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Benjamin Platt Thomas,&amp;nbsp;&lt;em&gt;Russo-American Relations, 1815-1867&lt;/em&gt;. Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins Press, 1930.&lt;/p&gt;&#13;
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                <text>Rosen, Robert N. The Jewish Confederates. Univ of South Carolina Press, 2000.; Weeks, Theodore R. From assimilation to antisemitism: the" Jewish question" in Poland, 1850-1914. Northern Illinois Univ Pr, 2006.; Wieczerzak, Joseph. "American Reactions to the Polish Insurrection of 1863." Polish American Studies (1965): 90-98.; Ashkenazi, Elliott. The business of Jews in Louisiana, 1840-1875. University of Alabama Press, 1988.</text>
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                <text>New York Times Headlines - May 20, 1918</text>
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                <text>"WASHINGTON SEES CHANCE TO BRING RUSSIA BACK IN WAR." The New York Times 20 May 1918: 1. Print.</text>
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                <text>Headline from the front page of The New York Times, May 20, 1918. This headline was cited in Lippman and Merz’s A Test of the News as an example of the bluntly interventionist positions present in purportedly objective news articles.  There are a number of particularly notable elements in this headline. Note the use of “Russia” to mean Tsarist Russia, months after the Bolshevik Revolution. The Bolsheviks are unabashedly referred to as “foe.” Who’s foe? The foe of the Tsarist regime, or the foe of the United States? In this case it seems to be both.  Also of note is the unclear attribution of the opinions presented. The uppermost headline is clearly from the perspective of Washington, but the following headlines present claims of unclear origin. “View is Taken” could mean Washington’s view or the view of the article. Again, in this case it is both. &#13;
&#13;
In presenting the view of the state department as factual truth, a headline such as this could be used to validate the communist argument that the mainstream media is simply a mouthpiece for the American government. Lippman and Merz argue that these biases are not necessarily products of conscious propaganda but of the authors’ own biases, of which the assumed reference of words like “Russia” and “foe” are examples.</text>
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